Interviews of M. Stéphane Séjourné, Minister of Europe and Foreign Affairs, with the Journal du Dimanche
Q. – Emmanuel Macron is in favour of recognition for Palestine “at a useful moment”, but not out of emotion. What are the preconditions for France recognizing a Palestinian State?
THE MINISTER – We favour diplomatic initiatives over political stances. Recognition must serve a peace process and a way out of the crisis. In cooperation with Arab partners in the region, it’s essential to build the conditions for a two-State solution and, in that framework, include recognition, because it gives France leverage. This was the purpose of the meeting between President Macron and the Arab League contact group. On that basis, we have to build a common vision for the aftermath in Gaza.
As a major diplomatic nation and permanent member of the Security Council, France can’t be content with a symbolic gesture. Conditions must be laid down, such as reforms within the Palestinian Authority and guarantees against anti-Semitism, in accordance with our values. Finally, the initiative must pave the way for mutual recognition. It’s crucial to consider recognition as a diplomatic lever and not as a simple political stance.
Q. – Don’t you think unilateral recognition of a Palestinian State after the 7 October attacks could be perceived as a “reward” for Hamas terrorism? Is this even conceivable while two of our compatriots are still hostages in the Gaza Strip?
THE MINISTER – The unconditional, immediate release of all the hostages is our absolute priority. The death of one of our compatriots, Orión Hernández – a hostage in Gaza – dominated the news last week. Since I took office, I’ve met the families of victims four times. I continue to follow them, keeping in permanent touch with the Quai d’Orsay’s Crisis and Support Centre. We’re doing our utmost to obtain information about their situation. But for the moment, unfortunately we don’t have any news.(…)
Q. – Emmanuel Macron hasn’t given up on the idea of establishing himself as the architect of peace in the Middle East. In practical terms, with Israel engaged on two fronts, how does France intend exerting influence on Lebanon so that Hezbollah stops its bombardments?
THE MINISTER – France has a key role in preventing a regional conflagration, particularly in southern Lebanon. There are currently between 20,000 and 25,000 French nationals in the region, as well as 900 French soldiers enlisted in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in southern Lebanon. We put forward a number of proposals aimed at establishing rules and preventing any escalation in the region. The proposals have been welcomed and we’re committed with all the parties. However, it’s difficult to make further progress without a resolution of the conflict in Gaza and without a ceasefire in the region. I’ve spoken to the Lebanese Foreign Minister this week. The President will discuss it with the Americans, who are committed to the issue, during Joe Biden’s visit to France next week, and I’ve also asked for feedback from the Israelis on our official proposals. In any case, France remains in contact with the Lebanese and Israeli authorities and will have a role in southern Lebanon when the time comes, with our proposals.
Q. – What exactly is happening with this diplomatic initiative, and what stage are you at in your negotiations?
THE MINISTER – There are the parameters of the various parties’ respective commitments, to prevent a conflagration. Those parameters include in particular the Lebanese army’s role and our ability to train it. And there’s also the role of the United Nations, of our French troops and of UNIFIL in making the area safe. All those parameters are included in a document we’ve put forward.
Q. – But is it possible to negotiate an agreement with Lebanon when political instability prevails there and Iran’s influence over Hezbollah has never been so great?
THE MINISTER – You’re aware of President Macron’s commitment in that regard. We’re committed to the Lebanese political class electing a president, because without a president others speak in their place. Lebanese politics is conducted too much from abroad; that’s never good for a country. Crucial challenges such as the possibility of reaching an agreement with Israel are strongly linked to there being a president. Jean-Yves Le Drian is currently there to bring various partners together, and we’ll continue working in the next few weeks. I think some Lebanese leaders underestimate the risk of war. However, it’s currently very real in southern Lebanon and in Lebanon. We must find ways and means within the constitutional framework for them to end up with a president who is elected. (…)
RUSSIA/UKRAINE
Q. – Doesn’t this role of facilitator that you want to have in the Middle East tend to be inversed when it comes to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, where Emmanuel Macron’s warmongering statements seem to be contributing to a risk of escalation?
THE MINISTER – We can’t set ourselves limits in the face of a country that sets no limits to its expansionist stance. Russia specializes in strategic ambiguity. It was Russia that duped us at the time of the Ukraine invasion. Since the 26 February meeting in Paris, there’s been an awareness in Europe about the need to speak the language of force to be understood. Russia is also maintaining its own ambiguity: its threats to the Baltic countries, the Poles and other countries are creating uncertainty as to its next targets in the coming months or years. Our goal is peace. The strategy is support for Ukraine. We’re not a bellicose country. It was actually the Russians who invaded Ukraine. There’s an aggressor and an aggressee here.
Q. – Emmanuel Macron has announced that he’s authorizing the use of French weapons against targets in Russia. Wouldn’t that be another example of recklessness?
THE MINISTER – The Americans are also taking that line, and the Germans have taken a step in that direction. We start from the observation that Ukraine is in a state of self-defence, recognized by international law. It’s for the Ukrainians to decide their targets, to defend their country from the attacks it’s suffering.
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D-DAY ANNIVERSARY
Q. – We’re on the eve of the 80th anniversary of the Normandy Landings. In what respect will this ceremony be memorable?
THE MINISTER – We’re going to commemorate peace in a world at war. We’ve mentioned Gaza, we’ve mentioned Ukraine. Let’s not forget the many other conflicts, particularly in Africa, and conflicts often forgotten, as in Sudan. This commemoration should make people think. Why are France and its neighbours being spared on their own soil? Because of the political enterprise that is the European Union. On 9 June, let’s not forget it.
Q. – How many heads of State will be there for the ceremony?
THE MINISTER – President Biden will be there, as will the heads of State or government of more than 15 countries including Germany, Italy, Canada, Poland, the Netherlands etc. The Prince of Wales will represent the United Kingdom during the ceremony at Omaha Beach. We’ve also decided to involve President Zelenskyy in the commemorations. As for Russia, it has no place there. Since it’s become an occupying, expansionist power itself, we couldn’t invite its representatives to celebrate this global victory against imperialism. (…)./.
